PoD Research Institute

After the "Hong Kong National Security Law" battle, the pro-democracy camp gained momentum with the primary election of the Legislative Council. The higher-than-expected turnout was a major focus, while the victory of the protest faction was another theme. Now that the vote counting results have settled, it is worth reviewing the past voting campaigns. The pro-democracy camp has conducted primary elections for the Legislative Council by-elections twice. The 2007 Hong Kong Island primary election was the first attempt, and only more than 300 pan-democrats and members of parliament were allowed to vote. The 2018 primary elections in Kowloon West and New East were held by voters in the district. It was expected that 8,000 people would participate, and eventually 26,000 people participated, which was close to the 10% vote share of the democratic parties in the official election.

With the slogan 35+, the democrats are targeting more than half of the seats in the Legislative Council. The primary election will be held this weekend. Just after the primary election forum, the leader, Benny Benny, pointed out that there is a voting threshold in New Territories West, which is 10% of the pan-democratic votes, and also suggested that other constituencies set the same threshold. He must be honest because he is not very confident about meeting the standards, because based on this standard, only half of the constituencies passed the primary election in 2018, and the threshold is not low. Electoral coordination is the last platform for the democrats. If the results of the primary elections fail to satisfy the interests of the factions, the short-term strategic cooperative relationship between the pan-democrats and the local factions will break down at any time.

Han Zheng, Vice Premier of the State Council in charge of Hong Kong and Macao affairs, revealed that the Hong Kong version of the national security law was finalized legislation after the Fourth Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in October last year. Revisiting the original sentence referring to national security is "Establish and improve the legal system and enforcement mechanism for the Special Administrative Region to safeguard national security, and support the Special Administrative Region to strengthen law enforcement." After the news came out at that time, it aroused heated discussion, saying that it was a repeat of Article 23 of the central directive. Pro. Even if the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office and the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government change their positions, the so-called iron-clad government officials will still be able to complete their hard tasks. Now it is implemented in the form of Annex III. It may be interpreted from the three aspects of legislation, law enforcement and justice.

The generational struggle is the distance between Xu Guanjie and Denise Ho. This past weekend, both singers held online concerts to accompany Hong Kong people during the epidemic. Every generation has its own trends. Citizens share performance links according to their personal preferences and see whose songs their friends repost, which can give a glimpse of the network faults created by the generation gap. The government's high-profile support is destined to politicize the singer, and it is accompanied by a cultural debate among the people to evaluate whether the Lion Rock Spirit is outdated, which is like another portrayal of intergenerational conflicts.

The epidemic hit Hong Kong and chaos arose. Citizens are frantically grabbing masks, food, and daily necessities, and the panic of the masses reflects the gap in public safety. The medical strike and material shortages have severely hampered public services. The storm over the proposed amendments has drained public confidence, and the government has requisitioned quarantine centers and isolation camps. Low acceptance cannot overcome the resistance of the NIMBY effect. Comments pointed out that Hong Kong is showing signs of a "failed state", which looks like Russia under the ruble crisis or Venezuela with its economic collapse.

More than 70% of voters voted for public opinion representatives, affirming the value of speaking out within the system. The dust of the election has settled, and the factional struggle has not ceased. The militant faction is clamoring for supervision and rectification, and the establishment faction is also seeking a comeback. Multiple forces are waiting for the opportunity to move. Regional issues must balance the interests of all parties and not waste time on ideological disputes. The democrats have taken the lead in district councils, and some are worried that the culture of protest will bring down district administration. In fact, political party rotation is nothing new in grassroots parliaments, and it is not difficult for the civil affairs system to follow the book. Conservatism and progress are eternal themes. It would not be a bad thing if the district councils, with unprecedented recognition, could correct the shortcomings of the system and implement regional empowerment.