PoD Research Institute

The Hong Kong Academy of Politics and Administration, which was founded two years ago, is about to graduate its second class of students. They set their own topics for the policy study unit, which involve politics, economics and people's livelihood, and there are many social problems that need to be solved. In last week's report, someone raised a big problem that Hong Kong has to face: how to relieve people's doubts about Article 23 of the Basic Law. On the one hand, legislating for Article 23 and implementing double universal suffrage are also constitutional responsibilities that must be resolved eventually; on the other hand, the concept and meaning of some treasonous acts are unclear, and there is a risk of accidentally falling into the legal net, making it difficult to let down our guard. Whenever there are policies involving the Mainland, the issue of trust will become the focus. This was true then, and it is true now. How easy is it to relieve doubts?

Who would have thought that the sudden Fugitive Offenders Ordinance would develop into a deadlock that would tear apart society? One side adheres to the principle of justice and hopes to bring absconding offenders to justice; the other side is concerned about the protection of personal safety and does not want to dismantle the firewall between the two places. The bill needs to be reviewed before the Legislative Council adjourns in July. Now that the government has enough votes and a firm stance, there is no doubt that the revised script will be passed and it will enter the countdown stage. However, the public opinion mobilized through signatures, rallies and marches is not easy to resolve, and the social atmosphere is restless. After this battle, the mutual trust between the government and the people urgently needs to be repaired.

Nativism spreads by taking advantage of the conflicts between the mainland and Hong Kong, impacting Hong Kong's political landscape. Democratic Ideas publishes the "One Country, Two Systems Index" every six months. The latest round has observed a significant decline in non-establishment supporters, society is showing signs of de-radicalization, and moderate politics is growing. Opponents firmly believe that even if radicalism ebbs, it will make a comeback if the situation changes in the future. They even use the excuse that the survey results only reflect the illusion that citizens are "moderate". If it is not due to a change in public sentiment and non-establishment factions turning to moderates and establishment factions, can the "indifferent theory" and "scorched earth theory" alone be enough to explain it?

"One country, two systems" is an unprecedented attempt and relies on the joint efforts of policymakers and people in society. In order to ensure that "one country, two systems" can be implemented stably and long-term, it must be continuously reviewed to provide the government and the public with a reliable reference. Democratic Thoughts compiled the first "One Country, Two Systems" index last year on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of Hong Kong's return to the motherland. It is published every six months. This week it released the third index in an attempt to comprehensively evaluate the implementation of "One Country, Two Systems".